New York City and War of 1812

by Harvey Strum


In preparation for war in 1812, Congress passed a ninety-day embargo on trade. When news of the embargo reached New York City on April 3, city residents showed “alarm, hustle, and confusion.” Merchant Jonathan Ogden observed, “a like confusion I have never seen.” Some fifty to one hundred ships hurriedly left port to evade the newly imposed law. Some left half empty, some with crews of two or three men hurried out before customs officers could send cruisers to block escape through the Narrows. Shipowner Nathaniel Griswold warned Captain H. Smith to “not delay a moment…as there are cruisers after you.” Customs vessels chased ships leaving port as far as fifty miles out to sea to capture embargo violators, but most escaped capture. Because Europe was a major market for New York’s grain, an embargo threatened three million bushels of wheat, corn, rye, and stored flour. Restrictions on trade damaged the economy of New York City and caused serious unemployment. The City would not fully recover from the economic downturn of the War of 1812 until 1820. Seeing political advantage, Federalists organized public protests and petition drives against the embargo. Residents of Albany, Lansingburgh, Troy, Waterford, and New York City petitioned Congress to lift the embargo because of the negative economic effects on New York City and upstate New York. [1]

Trying to achieve some economic advantage from the war, New York City emerged as a center for privateers as 102 vessels sailed out of New York to attack British shipping during the war. Within three months of declaring war, 26 privateers left New York. During the war, New York-based privateers captured 275 prizes. For example, on September 9, 1814, the "General Armstong, "commanded by Samuel Chester Reid, left New York at night to avoid a British blockading squadron. In the Azores Islands, the brig battled a British squadron, delaying its joining the attack on New Orleans. Upon Reid’s return to New York, the state legislature and the city’s merchants honored him for his crew’s actions against the British. Reid served as a harbormaster after the war.

Although some New York City merchants prospered because of the city’s role as a major military supply base, the war created hardships and widespread poverty for many New Yorkers. Trade restrictions and repeated British blockades of the harbor and Long Island Sound increased unemployment and inflation. The war produced mass unemployment and sharply increased flour, sugar, coffee, tea, coal, and firewood prices. As a local editor of the New York Gazette noted, “These articles are now beyond the reach of the great body of the people.” Many New Yorkers faced food and fuel shortages. The city’s Common Council had to deal with the widespread poverty created by the war. Poorer city residents suffered hardships during the winters of 1813-14 and 1814-15. Conditions reached their nadir in the last year of the war, forcing the city government to provide cash, food, and firewood for 19,000 people, one-fifth of the city’s population. Of those receiving assistance, 16,400 lived independently, getting outdoor relief, and did not reside in the city’s almshouses. Poor relief became the largest item in the city budget during the war. Citizens’ committees of middle- and upper-class New Yorkers distributed additional food and fuel to the needy. Women in several charitable organizations, such as the New York Female Assistance Society and the Society for the Relief of Poor Widows, assumed leadership positions to help poorer women. War-induced poverty lingered as late as February 1817, when 15,000 people in the city relied on public and or private assistance. Because of the embargo of 1807-09 and the War of 1812, the value of the city’s exports did not recover until 1825. [2]

At the start of the war, many incidents led Federalists to speculate that Republicans would resort to violence against their fellow citizens. Rumors spread that the Tammany Society, pro-war and pro-President James Madison, planned to storm Federalist newspaper offices in New York City. News of the attack on Federalists in Baltimore provided proof. Ebenezer Foote, a Federalist political leader, alleged there was an administration plan “to silence and put down Federalists and all opposers of war.” Tammany’s warning “Tories Take Heed,” combined with announced plans to create a public safety committee “so wolves will be separated from sheep,” alarmed Federalists. In response, Mayor De Witt Clinton warned he would arrest anyone planning to “suppress freedom of opinion and expression.” His threat stifled Tammany’s urges to follow the example of Baltimore Republicans and calmed Federalist concerns about pro-Madison Republicans. [3]

Tammany’s threats and Mayor Clinton’s promise to protect freedom of expression were politically motivated. Tammany, a coalition of several Republican factions in New York City, opposed Clinton’s domination of the New York Republican Party. Leaders of Tammany backed Madison in the hope of destroying the political power of De Witt Clinton. Fearing Tammany’s betrayal, Clinton reached out to the Federalists. At the same time, John Jay, former Federalist governor of New York, impressed by Clinton’s defense of free speech, wanted him to address a Federalist-sponsored anti-war rally. On August 5, 1812, Clinton met with Federalist leaders Rufus King, John Jay, and Gouverneur Morris. While Clinton assured Federalist leaders of his complete break with Madison and his endorsement of a non-partisan Peace Party, he tried to persuade the Federalists to postpone the peace rally. Clinton worried that too public identification with the Federalists would alienate his pro-war Republican supporters, especially the Irish. Clinton had a close political alliance with the city’s Irish, who were anti-Tammany but pro-war. He risked alienating the city’s Irish if he publicly identified with the anti-war Federalists who made up most of the Peace Party. Some of his previous allies, like Governor Daniel Tompkins, broke with Clinton because he challenged Madison’s re-election. [4]

Unable to get Clinton’s public cooperation, Federalists held anti-war rallies around the state. In New York City, in late August, Federalists denounced the war as “waged without just cause” and likely to lead to subservience to Napoleon. Gouverneur Morris did not “suppose Mr. Madison would have hazarded this war without…reliance on French assistance.” If the President made a Franco-American alliance, Rufus King warned it would lead to “civil war.” Themes emphasized by Federalists in the summer of 1812 and throughout the war included opposition to the war as unjust and unnecessary, fear of a French alliance, defense of free speech, the right to dissent during a war, and opposition to sending the militia into Canada. [5]

Between September 15-17, Federalists held a secret convention in New York City. Initially, Federalists divided over backing Clinton for the presidency against Madison. Rufus King preferred a Federalist candidate to keep the party united, hoping the disastrous war would lead to a victory for the Federalists in 1816. Most delegates favored Clinton because they hated the war and President Madison. Clinton privately denounced the war. Publicly, he walked a tightrope appealing to pro-war and anti-war opponents of Madison. Most Republican Clinton newspaper editors supported the war and argued Clinton would be a more effective wartime leader. Clinton’s efforts to create a bipartisan coalition opposed to Madison failed as President Madison won re-election. Clinton accepted his defeat and moved on to the next election. Meanwhile, the city’s voters elected an anti-war Federalist majority in the November Common Council elections, repudiating Tammany and pro-war Republicans. [6]

In return for their support, Federalists expected Clinton’s supporters to help them in the December 1812 congressional elections, as New York state’s representation jumped from 17 to 27. Running as Friends of Peace, Liberty, and Commerce, Federalists attacked the war since “no possible benefit can result from the continuation of the present conflict.” Pro-Madison Republicans and many Clintonian Republicans justified the war and denounced the Federalists as the partisans of Great Britain, the Tories of the War of 1812. In New York City and Albany, Federalists, and Clintoinan Republicans cooperated, but elsewhere, they ran separate candidates, costing the election of an anti-war Clintonian, Pierre Van Cortlandt, Jr., in Westchester. Anti-war Federalists won 19 seats, and anti-war Clintonian Abraham Hasbrouck won in the Ulster-Sullivan district, with pro-war Republicans winning seven seats. Votes for Republicans dropped 19% in New York City and 28% in Kings County compared to 1810. In 1812, New York State sent the largest anti-war delegation to Congress, repudiating the decision to go to war. [7]

Although New York City was not attacked during the war, it was a period of high anxiety. British warships cruising off New York in early 1813 produced panic in New York. “Hostile ships of war…are cruising within 25 miles of the City,” the Common Council anxiously noted in an appeal to Washington for military aid to defend the city. Furthermore. “with a favorable Wind, Ships of line can come up to our Wharves in two hours.” British warships blockaded the city and settled near Sandy Hook in Monmouth County, New Jersey, but did not attack. Instead, they seized ships trying to enter or leave New York. [8]

In March, the city panicked again when a report from Staten Island brought news of a fleet approaching the harbor. Troops manned the forts near the city, and gunboats headed for the Narrows. Instead of British warships, a group of harmless merchant ships arrived. Two months later, the British officially announced a blockade of New York and harassed ships passing through Long Island Sound. When several British ships briefly fired upon American gunboats in Hempstead Bay, a new wave of fear shot through the city.

Despite the perceived British threat, Republicans and Federalists continued their war of words. During the Common Council elections in November, the Republican editor of the New York National Advocate, Henry Wheaton, called upon New Yorkers “to wipe off from your city the disgrace of being governed by friends of Great Britain.” Tenth Ward Republicans told voters the election would determine “who are for our country and who are for our enemies.” Federalists in the Seventh Ward countered, denouncing “this cruel and ruinous war.” During the campaign, a riot broke out between “Republican Citizens of Color” and African American Federalists who allegedly tried “to excite confusion and riot” at a meeting of African American Republicans. During the 1813 city election, Republicans, usually not sympathetic to African Americans, made a determined effort to win over their votes, while the Federalists attempted to change the allegiance of Irish pro-Republican voters. Neither succeeded in changing voter preferences but suggested the intense political activity in New York City during the middle of a war. Ultimately, Federalists retained a one-vote majority, a significant change since their triumph in November 1812. Some Republican editors exaggerated their gains as proof that “the people are determined to stand by their government till…the war” ended. The War of 1812 became the dominant issue in national elections and state and local elections in New York, especially in New York City. [9]

In late December 1813, British troops and Native Americans crossed the Niagara Frontier, burning Buffalo, attacking neighboring settlements, massacring citizens at Lewiston, and creating 12,000 refugees who fled to the comparative safety of Batavia and Canandaigua. New Yorkers throughout the state came to the aid of the refugees. At Congregation Shearith Israel, the only Jewish congregation in the state, Gershom Seixas appealed for financial aid for the “12,000 souls…who after seeing their houses burnt…nearest connexions massacred by ferocious savages,” faced the winter “deprived of any earthly comfort.” Private individuals, churches, the cities of Albany and New York, and the state legislature raised funds to help the refugees.[10]

With the approach of the spring state legislative and congressional elections, Federalists and Republicans battled again, using the war as the primary issue. Because of the destruction of the Niagara Frontier, anti-war Republicans returned to the fold as the united Republican Party won a landslide victory in the state and congressional elections, repudiating the anti-war Federalists. The rivalry between Federalists and Republicans continued and rose to new heights on the night of June 29th. Federalists met to celebrate the fall of Napoleon. Three hundred Federalists attended a dinner party at Washington Hall. Senator Rufus King presided, and many prominent New York Federalists attended, including Nicholas Fish and Mathew Clarkson. Republicans, however, considered the celebration disloyal, even treasonous and attacked the hall. Editor Charles Holt of the New York Columbian denounced the “strange and unholy rites.” Fellow Republican editor Henry Wheaton of the New York National Advocate considered the festivities as an “incitement to treason.” “They appeared much enraged and used much severe and insulting language,” the New York Spectator reported. Republicans broke several windows and threw stones at the Federalists inside. Before the crowd of 2,000 Republicans could break into the hall, the city watch (police) arrived, dispersed the mob, and arrested 20 to 30 rioters. This riot demonstrated the deep political divisions in New York exacerbated by the emotions created by the war. [11]

On July 6th, news of another British fleet off Sandy Hook spread fear throughout the city. “There are very serious apprehension for the safety of this city,” William Price informed a friend. The Common Council appealed to Governor Daniel Tompkins and President Madison for funds to complete the construction of fortifications around New York. When news arrived of the British attack on Washington, panic set in. George Brown said the city’s defenses depended on “a few undisciplined…Militia...who could make little or no resistance.” The city created a defense committee and urged New Yorkers to volunteer to work on fortifications at Brooklyn Heights, Harlem Heights, and Hell’s Gate. The Tammany Society held public meetings to encourage people to volunteer their services. Fear of the British briefly united New Yorkers from all walks of life. Members of ethnic, political, fraternal, and neighborhood associations worked together. According to the New York Gazette, volunteers included 250 Italian and French immigrants, 500 Scottish Americans, 1,000 Irish, hundreds of Germans, 1,000 African Americans, and 500 residents of the “English neighborhood.” Fifteen hundred Tammany braves were provided with “a generous supply of …liquor” from Mathew L. Davis, a Tammany leader who worked in Brooklyn Heights. One hundred Columbia College students, along with lawyers, doctors, and merchants, picked up shovels, pickaxes, hoses, and wheelbarrows in defense of New York. Residents of New Jersey joined the team in working on fortifications. Militia men from upstate New York, as far as Saratoga County, came down to defend the city. As fall turned to winter, some New Yorkers, fearful of a British attack, sent their families out of the city for safety. [12]

However, on the evening of February 11, 1815, an unexpected interruption halted a concert at the City Hotel. A man rushed in and jumped upon a table. Waving a white handkerchief over his head, he shouted, “Peace, Peace!” This news brought the concert to an abrupt end, and the audience poured out into the street. Within minutes, the city was ablaze with candles. Church bells chimed, and thousands carrying candles, lamps, and torches marched down Broadway. For one night, recalled Samuel Goodrich in his memoirs, Republicans and Federalists buried their differences and publicly embraced each other “the whole night Broadway sang the song of peace, wrote Goodrich, a New York publisher, who attended the aborted concert. Describing the mood, Eloise Payne wrote of “the overflow of popular joy…the whole city was shout and illumination.” Word had just arrived on the Favorite, a British sloop at Sandy Hook, of the Treaty of Ghent ending the War of 1812. A few days later, despite a foot of snow on the ground, cold weather, and rain, New Yorkers once again crowded the streets for an official celebration of the war's end. Transparencies appeared in front of the city’s major commercial and public buildings. Citizens illuminated the city with thousands of candles. Peace brought a sharp drop in prices and the reopening of New York to world commerce, but New Yorkers resumed their deep political divisions in time for the 1815 spring elections.[13]


About the author: Professor of history and political science at Russel Sage College. Most recent publications are "Jewish Women's Organizations if the Capital District," August 2023, New York History Review, and "Quebec's Aid to Ireland," December 2023, in Proceedings of International Conference on Humanities, Education, and Social Sciences.


Bibliography

[1] Jonathan Ogden to Robert Ogden, April 4, 1812, Jonathan Ogden Letter book, New-York Historical Society (N-YHS); Nathaniel Griswold to Captain H. Smith, April 6, 1812, War of 1812 folder, Box 1, Hurd Papers, Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut. For copies of the petitions, Petitions and Memorials Tabled, Embargo, 12A-G1.2, House of Representatives, 12th Congress, 1811-13, Record Group 233, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

[2] New York Gazette, January 31, 1814.For details about poverty in New York during the war, see Raymond Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 ( New York: Oxford University Press, 1971). For the most recent book-length study of the war in New York State, see Richard Barbuto, New York’s War of 1812: Politics, Society, and Combat (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 2021). 

[3] Ebenezer Foote to Thomas Tillotson, August 8, 1812, Thomas Tillotson Papers, N-YHS’ New York Public Advertiser, August 1, 1812; New York Spectator, August 4, 1812; New York Evening Post, August 3-15, 1812; De Witt Clinton to the Grand Jury, July 1812, De Witt Clinton Papers, N-YHS.

[4] Rufus King to Christopher Gore, July 17, 1812, September 9, 1812, Rufus King Papers, N-YHS; Gouverneur Morris to John Jay, September 11, 1812, Jay Papers, Columbia University, New York City; Statement of Rufus King, July 27-August 7, in Charles King, ed., Life and Correspondence of Rufus King (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1894-1900) 5:264-71.

[5] Gouverneur Morris to Aaron Ogden, August 20, 1812, Gouverneur Morris Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C (LC).; Rufus King to Christopher Gore, July 17, 1812, September 19, 1812, Rufus King Papers, N-YHS; Ebenezer Baldwin to Simeon Baldwin, August 5, 1812, Box 16, Baldwin Family Papers, Yale University.

[6] James Kent to Moss Kent, November 10, 1812, James Kent Papers, LC; John Jay to Peter Jay, September 23, 1812, Jay Papers, Columbia University; Rufus King to Christopher Gore, September 19, 1812, King Papers, N-YHS; Account of the Federalist Convention, September 15-17, 1812, King, Rufus King, V, 280-81.

[7] Peace, Liberty, and Commerce, December 14, 1812, Broadside, N-YHS; New York Evening Post, November-December 1812; New York National Advocate, December 1812; New York Columbian, December 1812; Brooklyn Long Island Star, December 1812.

[8] Minutes of the Common Council, VII, 486-87; New York Commercial Advertiser, January 19-20, March 26, 1813; New York Spectator, January 1813; New York Evening Post, January 1813.

[9] New York National Advocate, November 10-18, 20, 1813; New York Columbian, November 10-20, 1813; New York Commercial Advertiser, 10-18, 1813; New York Gazette, 17-20, 1813; New York Spectator, November 20, 1813; New York Evening Post, November 20, 1813.

[10] Canandaigua Ontario Repository, December 28, 1813-January 28, 1814; New York Spectator, January 22-February 2, 1814; New York Commercial Advertiser, January 22-February 2, 1814; Gershom Seixas Sermon, February 2, 1814, Gershom Seixas to Sarah Kursheedt, February 4, 1814, Gershom Seixas Papers, American Jewish Historical Society, New York City.

[11]New York Spectator, June 30, 1814; New York Columbian, June 20-July 4, 1814; New York National Advocate, June 3 to July 4, 1814; New York Commercial Advertiser, June 30, 1814.

[12] William Price to James Clapp, July 30, August 27, September 1814, Kernan Family Papers, Cornell University; George Brown to Erastus Corning, September 1, 1814, Box 1, Erastus Corning Papers, Albany Institute of History and Art, Albany, N.Y.; Minutes of the Common Council, VIII, 6-11; Minutes of the Society of Tammany, August 15, 22, 29, 31, September 25, 1814, Box 23, Kilroe Collection, Columbia University; Nicholas Fish to Daniel Tompkins, August 29, September 4, 1814, Committee of Defense Records, N-YHS; New York Evening Post, July 6-November 5, 1814; New York Spectator, August 31, 1814; New York War, August to November 1814; New York Columbian, August to November 1814; New York National Advocate, August to November 1814.

[13] Samuel Goodrich, Recollections of a Lifetime (New York, 1856), I, 496, 504; Eloise Payne to Catherine Sedgwick, February 15, 1815, Payne Papers, Columbia University; Jonathan Goodhue Diary, February 11, 1815, Samuel Topliff to Jonathan Goodhue, February 15, 1815, Goodhue Papers, New York Society Library, New York; New York Columbian, February 13-15, 1815; New York Evening Post, February 13, 1815; New York Commercial Advertiser, February 13, 1815, New York Gazette, February 13, 1815.