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Thursday, August 27, 2020

The Arrest of Robert Jones in Addison, 1872

by Richard White

Copyright ©2020 All rights reserved by the author.

“Our colored people are to have a Grand Promenade…on the evening of the 28th inst.

Robert Jones… is to be master of ceremonies, which is a sufficient guarantee that ‘law and order’ will prevail, and all who desire to ‘chase the glowing hours with flying feet’ should not fail to appear.”  This was the Addison Advertiser’s announcement on November 20, 1872, regarding one of the village’s post-war’s annual African-American social events and their annual picnic. Although patronizing at its start, this quotation hints at the “law and order” posture and backbone of Jones, who was a quiet, respected barber figuratively made out of steel.

Months earlier, on April 7, Jones’ fortitude played a prime role in his arrest when he faced two encounters with a drunken person who wanted a shave.  Upon entering the shop the first time, the drunk sat down and proceeded to vomit.  On April 24, The Steuben Courier from nearby Bath, New York, described it this way—“the warmth of the room caused Coakley, an Irishman, to throw off from his stomach a portion of its load, leaving him in a partial unconscious condition,” This event prompted an escorted ouster in which he was led out without any strong-arm tactic assistance.  Coakley’s second entry into the barbershop resulted in a scuffle with Jones when he refused to leave within a short time.   However, his head hit the floor as he was dragged to the sidewalk where a policeman found him later on.  

Coakley was jailed for a short time until the police saw that he was severely hurt and released him to his friends assembled near the lockup.  There was no report in the press if Coakley had been arrested on any charge, although The Courier on the 24th  stated that he was “confined for drunkenness.”  There was no mention of bail.

In addition, there was no discussion that the Jones-Coakley matter was based on, or connected to, ethic, or racial hostility, or rivalry.  This was not a black-white issue.

Coakley was fatally injured, and he lingered for a week, often in a delirious state.  The press reports disagree on the day of his death—some say Sunday, the 14th, while others indicate the next day.  

In any case, a Coroner arrived on Monday and, by law, assembled a jury to assist him in his inquest into Coakley’s death.  The Steuben Farmers’ Advocate on April 26 described what happened when they neared the deceased house--“they were confronted by about a dozen Irishmen, with swinging clubs and threats of war refusing to let them enter.”  No explanation was provided for this confrontation, but it prompted the coroner and jury to travel back to Addison.   

But they would not return to Coakley’s residence.  

There was an entirely new situation on Tuesday, the 16th.   In the early A.M., his remains were moved to Corning for burial, but there was a new demand from his friends—now they wanted an inquest.  A new Coroner selected a jury who was able to issue a cause of Coakley’s death. 

Their ruling was that he died due to injuries at the hands of Jones, who later was arrested and placed under $4,000 bail.  Jones was not, however, the only person to face a criminal charge.  On the 17th, each man who confronted the first Coroner near Coakley’s house was arrested with bail set at $500.  At this point, no word on the legal process can be found concerning these men.  However, the Jones case’s outcome was well documented.

What would the Grand Jury do?  Would there be an indictment to be followed by a guilty plea or a jury trial?  The Addison Advertiser published the decision on June 12 as follows: “The case of the People vs. Robert Jones, the barber, was brought up before the Grand Jury at Corning last week, and their verdict was ‘no cause of action.’” There was no legal compulsion to explain their decision. Though, the Farmers’ Advocate offered compelling speculation as follows:  “more to blame than Jones is he who sold the whiskey.  Several persons who witnessed the affair wonder at Jones’ forbearance.  Jones…[is] a young man who minds his own business, will not originate a quarrel but will protect his domain from incursions of inebriates” because of his stature based on law and order.  

About the author: Richard White's articles have appeared in Civil War HistoryThe Journal of Negro History, and other publications.


Cross and Flag. The Buffalo Eucharistic Congress of 1947

by  Paul Lubienecki, PhD

On November 8, 1946, Bishop John O’Hara of Buffalo announced that a great honor was bestowed upon the diocese and the city. Buffalo was selected to host the Provincial Eucharistic Congress from September 22-25, 1947. This was only the fourth time such an event was held in the United States.[i]  The Catholic Diocese of Buffalo had been chosen in 1947 for two specific reasons. First, established in April 1847, this was to commemorate the diocese’s centenary anniversary and to thank “the Almighty God for the graces and blessings of our first century of Catholic life.” Furthermore, it was a collective expression of faith in “thanksgiving for victory in the World War.” [ii]  It also evolved into a condemnation of anti-Christian (Communist) ideologies. While local in form, the Buffalo event took on an international identity as dignitaries from around the world attended.[iii]  

The significance of a Eucharistic Congress is primarily spiritual, but there is a temporal component. These assemblies, which still occur, are gatherings of clergy and laity to celebrate and venerate the Holy Eucharist and find the best means to spread knowledge of this Sacrament. The main advantage of these Congresses is to promote devotion and theological discussion of this principle dogma of the Catholic faith.


Bishop Gaston de Ségur of Lille, France, created the first Eucharistic Congress that convened in 1881. Initially, this was to be a regional event. However, this movement’s popularity and importance grew, and subsequent gatherings were organized yearly throughout France. The Congress became international in scope in 1893 when it assembled in Jerusalem. Here a dialog about a reunion with the Eastern Churches commenced. Since then, these assemblies became more ecumenical as members of the Eastern Rite and leaders from various non-Roman Catholic denominations participated.


The Eucharistic Congresses were more than just spiritual affairs. Beginning with the Congress at Reims, France, in 1894, discussions about labor problems and solutions to social questions were part of the agenda. As these gatherings expanded over the years, so did the topics, and these conventions expanded into an informal discussion forum. Committee meetings on youth, the family, immigration, and other pertinent matters were nearly as fundamental as the Eucharistic devotions.[iv] This was evident at Buffalo in 1947.

When the International Eucharistic Congress convened in Chicago in 1926, it generated great excitement for America’s Catholics. They proved their patriotism in the First World War and were established leaders in business and government. Their faith and national pride symbolized Catholics’ place in American society, as many now believed that Catholicism in America had achieved parity within society.[v]  After the Second World War, the Catholic Church in the United States began a decade-long expansion and further integration into American culture. This was the era of the “brick and mortar Church” with new parishes, hospitals, schools, and universities. The assembly in Buffalo reflected this new self-assured attitude.

John Chapter 14, Verse 6: An American Idea

The general theme of the Eucharistic Congress centered on the New Testament verse: “I am the way, the truth, and the life.” For Bishop O’Hara, this was more than a spiritual matter as the Congress also represented American values in not so subtle terms. On the eve of the Congress, Bishop O’Hara, an avowed anti-Communist who supported industry and government over labor, broadcast a local radio address that detailed Congress’s programs.[vi] However, his statement focused more on Americanism and reflected the anti-Communist sentiment of that time. In his speech, the Bishop’s opening remarks cited FBI director J. Edgar Hoover’s call to loyalty against “all forms of subversive groups working to undermine our Republic.” O’Hara then referred to President Truman’s recent letter to Pope Pius XII where Truman declared “this is a Christian nation” and that “a renewed faith in the dignity and worth of the human person in all lands” was required to protect an individual’s sacred rights “inherent to his relationship to God.”

Bishop O’Hara praised Truman for his strong words. O’Hara claimed that all who believed in God should “thank God for the faith and wisdom that dictated that message of Americanism.” In his radio speech, the Bishop equated being a good Catholic with being a good American. He declared that the state’s civil authority was a divine institution; consequently, Catholics needed to rekindle their faith and become better citizens. O’Hara professed that the mission of the Buffalo Eucharistic Congress was to pray for peace, truth, and “hope that the enemies of God and free men will not prevail.” [vii]  The spiritual and religious theme of the assembly now echoed with the undertones of Americanism and anti-Communist viewpoints.

Planning and Committees

Buffalo’s John O’Hara was designated as the Eucharistic Congress president and auxiliary Bishop Joseph Burke as chairman. The honorary title of Patron for the Congress was bestowed upon Cardinal Francis Spellman of New York.  The planning, technical production, and organization of the programs occurred a year before the event. Bishop O’Hara established an executive committee 

This group consisted of Bishop Burke as chairman, Monsignor John Nash as vice-chairman, Monsignor Eugene Loftus as executive secretary, and Father Leo Smith as treasurer. This group then formed twenty-eight functional committees with a monsignor appointed as an Honorary Chairman and a priest as an Active Chairman. All priests serving in the diocese of Buffalo were obligated to work for a committee.[viii]  However, only a few priests per committee were required to fulfill any of their obligations. Paradoxically, the laity was not invited to participate in any pre-planning production or formally assigned to any committees until after the Congress commenced.

The Executive Committee, having developed the theme of “I am the way, the truth, and the life,” divided the program into three headings. Grouped under the title “Christ our Way” were issues pertaining to the home, family, and “all manner of material interests” such as labor, social duties, and vocations. Schools, education, culture, and professional life were assigned to the caption “Christ our Truth.” Spiritual life, ecclesiastical, and sacramental life were designated as “Christ our Life.” Within each topic, general meetings and sectional gatherings were required. For each conference, three discussion points were suggested: devotion to the Eucharist, specific duties of each group, and a practical discussion forum.[ix]  The Theme and Program Committee further developed the agenda for Congress based on the discussion items.

Every committee was tasked with some facet of logistical, operational, and procedural aspects of the celebration. An initial group was the Arts Committee responsible for designing the seal and logo imprinted on all programs, posters, and badges. This committee consisted of twenty-four priests who requested that women’s various religious orders in the diocese forward drawings for consideration. 

Thirty proposals were submitted and evaluated by three commercial artists. The group selected a drawing by Sister Geraldine Rutkuski of the Franciscan Sisters of St. Joseph in Hamburg, New York. Her design placed the Sacred Heart and chalice set against a red background in a heart’s shape. The words “Buffalo Centennial Eucharistic Congress” were placed on the periphery, and the words “The Way, The Truth and The Life” were placed above the chalice.[x]

Many committees were designated as “minor” as some clergy considered them not part of the Congress’s sacramental aspect.[xi] These included Traffic, Transportation, Public Safety, and Ushers. The purpose of these groups was to coordinate the free flow of the crowds at events, preserve order in public places, direct traffic, and obtain special public transportation buses and trains. However, there was no documentation to indicate the extent of coordination required with local police departments or public transportation companies.[xii]  The Health Committee concerned itself only with first aid stations at the various sites. 

Arrangements were made with the Red Cross and the city health department to respond to major emergencies.[xiii]

Internal notes from the Housing Committee revealed an early concern in finding accommodations for the anticipated gathering of 100,000 visitors attending the Congress. This group canvassed the city and suburbs, seeking lodging in parishes, private residences, schools, and, if necessary, provide cots to institutions for emergencies. Three months before the Congress, Bishop O’Hara sent a pastoral letter to all the parishes asking Catholics to house visitors and guests. Working with the city’s convention bureau, the Housing Committee secured 4000 beds in private homes and 2000 more in hotels.[xiv] There was no shortage of rooms during the Congress.

An essential but mundane group was the Registration Committee. They were responsible for all practical matters, which included managing fifteen information booths throughout the city and at all events. Their duties comprised the registration of attendees, assisted with housing and transportation, offered escorts as required, facilitated postal services for attendants, offer daycare for children, and operated a “lost and found” department. Laywomen, members of the Ladies of Charity auxiliary, performed the more significant part of this committee’s work.[xv]  It was one of the few areas where the laity was actively involved. Buffalo’s mayor Bernard Down regarded their services as vital to the success of the Congress.[xvi]

The more prominent committees were the Sacristy Committee, responsible for the preparation of liturgical equipment at all public and private Masses. The Decorations Committee was charged with the design, construction, and installation of all materials for public events. This included altars, platforms, canopies, and seating. 

Local architect Alfred Baschnagel was hired to assist with the multiple projects, and various contractors were employed in the construction of altars and platforms. The Processions Committee functioned as a quasi-military unit. It was responsible for transporting dignitaries to and from their scheduled events and for all religious processions, which generally included musicians, school children, and clergy. Members of this unit worked closely with the Buffalo police to coordinate activities and maintain a significant transition among all the proceedings.[xvii]


The Radio Committee and the Publicity Committee coordinated their assignments. In the weeks before the Congress, the Radio Committee conducted a series of broadcasts titled “A Novena of Broadcasts” to encourage Congress’s interest. Initially, this was a local affair, but these broadcasts were transmitted throughout much of the eastern United States within a couple of weeks. These programs proved vital in promoting the upcoming Eucharistic Congress. During the four days of the Congress, all services were broadcast over the radio to much of the United States and Canada.[xviii] The Publicity Committee issued daily press briefings. They assisted members of the local religious and public newspapers and the Associated Press and United Press News Services. Representatives from Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer and Paramount Studios were invited to record a motion picture history of the Congress. Unfortunately, these recordings have been lost.[xix]

A Great Demonstration of Faith

With the preparations completed, dignitaries from around the world arrived for the opening ceremonies. On Monday afternoon, September 22, 1947, the train transporting New York’s Cardinal Spellman and Cardinal Motta of Brazil and Cardinal Guevara of Peru arrived at Buffalo’s Central Terminal. Buffalo Bishop O’Hara and an enthusiastic crowd of 70,000 welcomed them.[xx] A motorcade transported the dignitaries to St. Joseph’s New Cathedral, where 4,000 of the faithful prayed with the clergy for the success of the Eucharistic Congress.[xxi] Later that evening at Kleinhan’s Music Hall, the official start of the Congress began with the Civic Reception attended by the clergy and public officials. The Buffalo Philharmonic Orchestra performed accompanied by soloist Jessica Dragonette who sang several selections highlighted by Verdi’s Ava Maria.[xxii]

In his welcoming remarks, Mayor Dowd called the Congress “a great demonstration of faith, a great demonstration of loyalty to God and nation; to the principles of morality and patriotism.” Bishop Burke continued that theme in his speech. He declared that only faith in the Omnipotent God could bring peace to nations that accepted “godless ideology or the imposition of their slavish way of life through force or bloody revolutions.” In their opening remarks, both Bishop O’Hara and Cardinal Spellman spoke of the accomplishments within the Diocese of Buffalo in the last hundred years. They also stressed how the Eucharist was at the center of peace in a war-weary world. [xxiii]


Approximately 15,000 worshippers gathered in Civic Stadium for the opening Pontifical Mass on Tuesday morning September 23. The celebrant was Archbishop Cicognani, the Apostolic Delegate to the United States. The homilist, Cardinal Spellman, referred to the Eucharist as the Sacrament of Peace and urged all Catholics to be “faithful in love and service to God and each other.” [xxiv]  Spellman warned that in the pursuit of peace and liberty, we must “rededicated ourselves to the service of God and following Christ for only then will there be a rebirth of freedom and democracy throughout the world. For he who loves God loves right-right, which is the might of any true republic, the basis of her liberties and foundation of her peace.” [xxv]  The afternoon and early evening programs consisted of sectional meetings focused on specific topics. These conferences addressed issues pertinent for teachers, nurses, press and radio, office workers, and social workers. Local clergy chaired each group, and individuals knowledgeable in that particular area conducted lectures. The venues for these meetings were at various hotels and parishes in the city.[xxvi] The day’s events concluded with the General Assembly held at Memorial Auditorium attended by 20,000 faithful. Several preeminent clergymen presented speeches to the enthusiastic crowd. 

Boston’s Cardinal Cushing praised Buffalo’s first bishop, John Timon, for his leadership. The Cardinal then described how the diocese’s bishops, and those throughout history, were the shepherds of the flock who must be vigilant against those who try to divide priests and people.[xxvii]


Renowned radio preacher Msgr. Fulton Sheen delivered the most anticipated speech of the night.[xxviii] His lengthy talk concentrated on several subjects germane to the time: faith, morals, and the American way. Sheen began his address disgusted that “politics has become the new theology” and that the “passion and zeal, once associated with the cause of God, has now been transformed into fanaticism for Caesar.” He lamented that now, in Christian history, atheism has a political form and social substance, while the “separation of Church and State finally became the separation of religion and State.” Sheen then continued with a condemnation of divorce, stating that society lost its “hold on the natural law”. Consequently, the “family, which is the unit of society,” felt dispensed from its moral obligations. He equated divorce, like a traitor in the home, with traitors among the nation’s citizens.


Sheen referenced the twin twentieth-century evils of the Nazis and the Communists as modern man “has lost his way; he has thrown away the map.” 

The Monsignor condemned those secular attitudes and economic movements as indifferent to the Church and civilization. Only the Cross of Christ had the power to unite the “friends of Christ and also His enemies.” The Eucharist was Sheen’s solution to the evils of the world. In a world of suffering, it was the Eucharist where “the forces of religion will rally” and only the Eucharist can feed men's starved souls. He concluded his discourse with the declaration that “we shall prove to be the greatest revolutionists of our revolutionary times” through a proactive devotion to the Eucharist in atonement for the world’s sins.[xxix]  The following day the Buffalo Courier-Express reported that the crowd responded with “devoted enthusiasm and applause in renewing their faith” at the words of Msgr. Sheen.[xxx]  


Three Pontifical Masses were celebrated on the morning of Wednesday, September 24, at various sites. The official opening Mass of the Congress was the Children’s Pontifical Low Mass conducted at Civic Stadium where a special altar and canopy, modeled after the altar at St. Ambrose in Milan, Italy, was constructed.[xxxi]  Cardinal Spellman’s sermon stressed that the Eucharist was a Sacrament of Peace. Yet his remarks were more of a warning: “the atomic age seems to have brought but a grim interlude in our decade of despair.” The Cardinal urged the faithful to pledge their faith in Christ, “for even God cannot make a peaceful world without peace-loving men to help Him.” [xxxii]


At St. Joseph’s New Cathedral, the Oriental Pontifical Mass was celebrated. The liturgy was lead in the Byzantine Slavonic Rite, and the attending priests belonged to the various churches of the Eastern Rite in union with Rome. Bishop Daniel Evancho, coadjutor Bishop of Pittsburgh Greek Rite, delivered the homily. He emphasized that Congress was truly an ecumenical event since the Church was “neither Latin nor Greek nor Slav: it is Catholic.” The Bishop, in his appeal for unity, talked about the history of the Eastern and Western churches describing how they were more similar than different. Ivancho asked the faithful to pray for the churches in Eastern Europe because of its bishops and priests' death and imprisonment by Communists. He reminded the crowd that as Americans, they should be thankful for their freedom and liberties. With the conversion of Russia, the “Providence of God will again be open to Catholic influence.” [xxxiii]


The third Mass of that day occurred at Hyde Park Stadium in Niagara Falls, New York, where another impressive altar and canopy was erected. The homilist, Cardinal Bernard Griffin Archbishop of Westminster, England, declared the Eucharist as a Sacrament of Unity. The Cardinal preached how the Eucharist was an expression of fellowship with Catholics throughout the world that brought all the faithful together. However, the homily explicitly addressed the persecution of Catholics in the first half of the twentieth century in Spain, Yugoslavia, Germany, and Russia. Griffin viewed the Mass and the Eucharist as the “Sacrament of Unity that will keep Catholics together during these terrible days of persecution.” [xxxiv]  The Cardinal urged Catholics to “unite against the common enemy of Communism and materialism. It is the Mass that will unite us.” [xxxv]  He advocated for abolishing the barriers of race and nation to unite the Catholics of the world in true spiritual unity. The diocese’s newspaper described the reaction to the Cardinal’s sermon as a “clear call for self-sacrifice in promotion of peace and unity that is enjoyed in our blessed nation.” [xxxvi]


Sectional meetings occupied the remainder of the day’s schedule.[xxxvii]  The Sectional Meeting for Mothers reflected the perspective of that time. The main address, presented by Mrs. William Berry of Greensboro, North Carolina, concentrated on the “evils threatening the Christian home.” She asserted that adherence to Christian ideas was the “surest guarantee to living a moral life.” The proper venue to learn about God and the Church was in the home. However, she chastised those children who lost their respect and esteem for the home. Her main concern was with young girls who were no longer “attracted to the domestic arts” and raised a family because “they prefer to be businesswomen, secretaries, sales girls or join the women’s military forces-anything that will take them away from home.” She believed it resulted in juvenile delinquency and a higher divorce rate. Mrs. Berry believed that the solution was a Christian society “when the political order will be in conformity with Christian ideas” but until then, “we must be heroic.” [xxxviii]


Similar ideas permeated other Sectional Meetings. At the assembly for nurses, Msgr. Albert Rung of Buffalo briefly praised nurses for their selfless dedication to healing the infirmed. The remainder of his speech was preoccupied with ensuring that Christian values were evident in nurses and nursing care. The Monsignor affirmed that “nurses must be morally good and spiritually zealous to work good in others” failure to do so allowed for mediocrity. He also placed a substantial responsibility upon them. Rung regarded nurses as combatants on the front line in the battle against atheism and un-Christian systems: “Religion in nursing is the antidote to the false ideologies now seeking recognition, the cure for aversion to the Church, your part in the struggle of the Church against evil.” [xxxix]   


At the Holy Hour for Youth, Bishop George Leach of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, spoke to young Catholic girls and boys about finding their place in life. Leach affirmed that the One True Church was the “teacher where you know the true value and meaning and purpose of your life.” It was the Church that provided the moral and spiritual control to America’s youth. The Bishop told the youths that “you are America’s strongest guarantee of liberty” and “true liberty is an ordered liberty.” [xl]  There was no record of the audience’s reaction to the sermon.


The speeches in each sectional meeting, presented by either laity or clergy, reflected three fundamentals. There was a moral decline in society, and only faithful adherence and devotion to the Eucharist could reverse this trend. The Catholic family was the nexus to a moral revival. Next, atheistic political and economic forces besieged the Church. In many of the lectures and sermons where the words Communist or Communism did not appear, the implied meaning was obvious. Finally, words such as freedom, unity, liberty, American traditions, Christian principles, and Catholic family life found their place in nearly every address. These themes tacitly engulfed the Congress, which, at times, appeared to be a religious-political rally.


The final event of the day was the Holy Hour at Civic Stadium. A crowd of over 50,000 attended this solemn prayer service.[xli] In his homily, Cardinal Samuel Stritch of Chicago reminded the crowd that the kingdom of God would arrive when “all men’s hearts open to the love of Christ the King.” He stated that the Greek and Roman cultures failed because they lived in a condition of slavery. Christ’s cross redeemed lives and gave dignity to the individual. The Cardinal explained that Christian thought was opposed to secularism and when men open their souls to Christ the King: “we do bring religion into our economic and social life. It is impossible for us to preserve and expand our democracy without bringing religion into public life. Washington and Jefferson saw this truth.” [xlii] The Buffalo Evening News reported that the crowd interrupted Stritch’s homily several times with applause and standing ovations.[xliii]


The final day of the Eucharistic Congress, Thursday, September 25, began with a Pontifical High Mass at Civic Stadium. The crowd of 42,000 worshippers prayed for peace and unity as they listened intently to the sermon of Archbishop Alexandré Vachon of Ottawa, Canada. He characterized the family as the “cell of human society” where the Lord entered the home through religion and the spiritual life. Vachon stated, “God will enter that home where there is love and peace,” and to find God’s love and peace, each person “must live with a clear conscience, in peace with God, with our neighbor and ourselves.” [xliv]


The Eucharistic Congress came to a formal end with the Eucharistic adoration and procession at Delaware Park in the afternoon. An estimated crowd of 200,000 pilgrims attended the benediction, having gathered in the park throughout the day.[xlv] Escorted by the Knights of Columbus and other honorary guards, hundreds of clergy and bishops walked through the crowd toward the specially constructed altar. Behind them marched the laity and representatives of the various Sectional groups and diocesan organizations accompanied by seven bands and choirs from various parishes who sang traditional Catholic hymns.[xlvi] At the altar, Cardinal Spellman placed the monstrance on the altar table where he venerated the Eucharist as the choir sang O Salutarius Hostia.[xlvii] He then lifted the monstrance, turned to face the crowd, and made the sign of the Cross with it. The Cardinal began his homily and the final prayer of the Congress, and with that, the Buffalo Eucharistic Congress concluded.[xlviii] 


Catholics and the community deemed Congress a success.[xlix]  The attendance for the four-day Congress was estimated at 557,000 pilgrims from all over the world. The weather was sunny and warm, and this contributed to the overflow of outdoor crowds at various venues.[l] Buffalo was praised for its facilities and welcoming disposition that enabled the “tens of thousands of hearts to thank God for His blessings to this favored land.” [li]   However, the economic impact on the city and region was unknown as there were no records related to the costs of hosting the Congress or what visitors spent on accommodations, meals, or travel.


The Congress was both ecumenical and international. Cardinals and bishops from Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Columbia, Denmark, India, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Uganda, and Ukraine participated, as did the Apostolic Delegate and Papal Legate. Clergy from the Eastern Orthodox rite was also present. Most of the bishops and auxiliary bishops from New York State and the Eastern and Midwestern sections of the United States were present. In total sixty-three members of the hierarchy and 1,400 priests attended the Congress.[lii]


The theme of the Eucharistic Congress was I am the way, the truth, and the life, but there was an underlying concept at work also. The horrors of the Second World War were still fresh, and the waves of Communist oppression in Russia and Eastern Europe were of serious concern for Catholics and Americans. Consequently, this Eucharistic Congress became a demonstration of faith in God and in the American way of life, as evidenced in virtually all homilies and speeches by clergy and laity. Prominent throughout the four-day event were the crucifix and the red, white, and blue of the American flag joined with the Vatican standard's white and yellow. At this particular moment, there would be no hyphen in the words American Catholic because, in Buffalo, the Cross and the flag symbolized this melding of Catholic faith and values with the beliefs and values of Americanism.

About the author: Paul E. Lubienecki, Ph.D., is a historian writing on local western New York history. Currently, he is completing his manuscript on the history of the Catholic labor schools in Buffalo and their influence on organized labor.

 [i]Previous Eucharistic congresses in the United States occurred at St. Louis (1901), New York (1905), Pittsburgh (1907), and Chicago (1926).

[ii] Bishop John O’Hara’s letter to the Diocese of Buffalo, The Union and Echo, August 8, 1947, 1. This was the official newspaper for the Diocese of Buffalo published weekly.

[iii] The Union and Echo, August 1, 1947, 1.

[iv] Program, The 41st International Eucharistic Congress, Archdiocese of Philadelphia, 1976.

[v] Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Experience, (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1985), 350.

[vi] James F. Connelly, ed., The History of the Archdiocese of Philadelphia. (Philadelphia: Archdiocese of Philadelphia, 1976), 427-428.

[vii] Bishop John O’Hara untitled radio address. Buffalo radio station WBEN, Sunday, September 21, 1947. Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Bishop O’Hara Folder, Archives Diocese of Buffalo (ADB).

[viii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Executive Committee Folder, ADB.

[ix] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Executive Committee Folder, and notes of Fr. Joseph O’Connor, ADB.

[x] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Historical Committee Folder, ADB.

[xi] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, notes of Msgr. Eugene Loftus, Executive Committee Folder, ADB.

[xii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, various committee folders, ADB.

[xiii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Health Committee Folder, ADB.

[xiv] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Housing Committee Folder, and notes from Msgr. John Carr, ADB.

[xv] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Registration Committee Folder, ADB.

[xvi] Buffalo Evening News, “Mayor Praises Success of Eucharistic Congress,” September 26, 1947.

[xvii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, various committee folders, ADB.

[xviii] Buffalo Courier-Express, “Buffalo Congress to Attract People from Empire State,” September 21, 1947, 1.

[xix] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Radio Committee Folder; Publicity Committee Folder and Official Program Buffalo Centennial Eucharistic Congress, ADB. Other minor committees: Music, Seminarians, Exhibits, Schools and Records, and History. The Lay Men and Lay Women committees were tasked with serving as ushers or information guides for visitors and guests. Of course, the chairmen of those two committees were clergy, not the laity.

[xx] The Union and Echo, September 26, 1947, 1.  Buffalo Evening News estimated the crowd at approximately “several hundred.” September 23, 1947, 2.

[xxi] The Union and Echo, September 26, 1947, 1. 

[xxii] Buffalo Courier-Express, September 23, 1947, 1.

[xxiii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, ADB.

[xxiv] The Union and Echo, September 26, 1947, 2.

[xxv] Buffalo Courier-Express, “Cardinal Speaks at Opening Mass,” September 24, 1947, 1.

[xxvi] Official Program, Buffalo Centennial Eucharist Congress, 19-20, ADB. The Statler Hotel and Hotel Lafayette were utilized for these conferences.

[xxvii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, ADB.

[xxviii] Dolan, The American Catholic Experience, 392-393. Msgr. Sheen was highly regarded for his national NBC radio program “The Catholic Hour” and by his dramatic and persuasive preaching style. His program was a blend of Catholic theology, moral values, and patriotic American ideas. 

[xxix] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder-General Assembly, ADB.

[xxx] Buffalo Courier-Express, September 24, 1947, 1.

[xxxi] Official Program, Buffalo Centennial Eucharist Congress, 22, ADB. Civic Stadium was centrally located in the city and used for professional baseball and football. The structure was demolished in 1988.

[xxxii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, Cardinal Spellman, ADB.

[xxxiii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, Oriental Pontifical Mass, ADB.

[xxxiv] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, Pontifical Mass, ADB.

[xxxv] Buffalo Evening News, “Fight Communism Through the Mass Catholics Are Told,” September 24, 1947, 2. 

[xxxvi] The Union and Echo, September 26, 1947, 2.

[xxxvii] Sectional Meetings were organized for: Businessmen and Bankers, College Students, Dentists, Farmers, Lawyers, Mothers, Youth, Teachers, Social Workers, Press and Radio, Workingmen, Religious Women, Nurses, and Public Service Personnel. Official Program Buffalo Centennial Eucharistic Congress, ADB.

[xxxviii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, Sectional Meetings, ADB.

[xxxix] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, Sectional Meetings, ADB.

[xl] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Holy Hour Folder, ADB.

[xli] The Union and Echo, September 26, 1947, 3, published that 50,000 attended. The Buffalo Courier-Express, September 25, 1947, 1, stated that “over 33,000” attended the event.

[xlii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Holy Hour Folder, ADB.

[xliii] Buffalo Evening News, “Cardinal’s Speech Welcomed by Faithful,” September 25, 1947, 1.

[xliv] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, Speeches Folder, Pontifical Mass, ADB.

[xlv] Buffalo Courier-Express, September 26, 1947, “Largest Crowd in Buffalo Gather for Eucharistic Congress,” 1.

[xlvi] Buffalo Evening News, September 26, 1947, “Eucharistic Congress Ends with Great Procession,” 1 and Buffalo Courier-Express, September 26, 1947, “Largest Crowd in Buffalo Gather for Eucharistic Congress,” 1.

[xlvii] A monstrance is an elaborately decorated receptacle in which the consecrated Host is displayed for veneration.

[xlviii] The Union and Echo, September 26, 1947, 1.

[xlix] Buffalo Courier-Express, “Eucharistic Congress Closes to Great Applause,” September 26, 1947; Buffalo Evening News, “Mayor Praises Success of Eucharistic Congress,” September 26, 19471 and The Union and Echo, “Cardinal Praises the Faithful,” September 26, 1947, 1.

[l] Buffalo Courier-Express, September 27, 1947, 1.

[li] The Catholic News, September 27, 1947.

[lii] Buffalo Eucharistic Congress, “Facts of Importance,” ADB; of the clergy, nearly all of Buffalo’s 800 priests participated in the Congress.

Tuesday, August 18, 2020

Wilderness Waterways: The Significance of Transporters During the French and Indian War in the New York/Montreal Borderlands

By George Kotlik

In 1893, Frederick Jackson Turner delivered his frontier thesis. Turner’s thesis explored the North American frontier’s influence on the development of American identity. Though he prefers not to define the term “frontier” too narrowly, his meaning of the word essentially covers Indian country and the outer margins of “settled area.”[1] Like Turner, this paper will also explore the North American frontier. It will cover the period defined by Turner as the “Old West,” an area of space-occupying the coastal settlements of the seventeenth century and the trans-Alleghany settlements of the latter portion of the eighteenth century.[2] The Old Western frontier existed between 1676 to 1763.[3] During the French and Indian War, the North American theatre of the more massive Seven Years’ War, the Old West was a battleground between competing European imperial powers: France and Britain.[4] This essay covers the war as it was fought in the frontier space between New York and Canada. More specifically, this essay examines the critical role men like Joshua Moody played in the French and Indian War, that is, transporters who ferried troops and supplies up and down North America’s backcountry waterways.

Thanks to Joshua Moody’s record-keeping, he left behind a journal that reveals his experiences as a ship captain in the Old West during the Great War for Empire.[5] Examined in isolation, the journal is nothing of serious consequence. Only when examined in the broader context of the transformative effect’s transporters, like Moody, had on the war effort can the journal be appreciated. In addition to this, Moody’s journal provides modern scholars with a glimpse into the life of an eighteenth-century soldier-frontiersman in the Old West. This method of historical examination is largely influenced by Laurel Thatcher Ulrich’s book, A Midwife’s Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812. Ulrich’s methodology is similar, making relevant a previously considered irrelevant historical document.[6] Unlike Ulrich, however, this paper will explore Moody’s contributions solely through a political theoretical lens. No consideration is given to the social history surrounding eighteenth-century transporters, an almost central consideration in Ulrich’s research.

Before delving into Moody’s journal, it is important that the reader acquaints themselves with the history of the world Moody occupied. This section of the essay will offer a brief history of England’s war with France in North America, giving special attention to the New York province. Ever since the New World’s settlement, European powers sought to exploit North America’s natural resources. France controlled Canada and much of the interior, including the Great Lakes Region, the Ohio Country, the Illinois Country, and land along the Mississippi River.[7] New France, the governing body of French possessions in North America, managed this vast territory.

Meanwhile, the British claimed dominion over the Atlantic coast from Maine to Georgia.[8] On the topic of population, Britain’s colonies boasted a vastly superior number of inhabitants than New France. By the 1750s, British settlers in North America numbered 1.5 million colonists, while only 75,000 residents resided in New France.[9] Hungry for land and territorial expansion, Britain pushed its North American settlement boundaries further west. This expansion eventually collided with French territorial interests in the Ohio Country. After the Battle of Jumonville Glen, an encounter that resulted in the accidental death of a French emissary, tensions between France and Britain quickly escalated.[10] The result of these tensions produced an outright war in 1754.[11] Formal declarations of war were not published, however, until 1756.[12] That conflict between France and Britain in North America would be known as the French and Indian War.

By 1762, the date in which Moody’s journal takes place, the Seven Years’ War in North America, had virtually ended. The remainder of the conflict was fought in the West Indies, India, and Europe.[13] After the fall of Montreal in September 1760, the looming French menace in the north had disappeared.[14] The French, however, still posed a threat in Louisiana.[15] Immediately after Britain’s conquest of Montreal, and with it the seat of New France, British civil government stepped in and assumed administration over the former French-controlled Canadian and western settlements (here considered the Illinois Country, Ohio Country, and the Great Lakes region).[16] By 1761, the British had secured all of Canada and its western outposts, establishing garrisons at even some of the most remote settlements.[17] In the wake of the conflict, settlers poured into the North American interior.[18] In New York, five hundred dwellings were built in the Mohawk Valley during the last few years of the war.[19] This attests to the rapid development the Old West experienced in New York during its final years of existence.

Despite the rapid growth and settlement of the Old West during the final years of the French and Indian War, the New York frontier, especially in the north - near and around the Adirondack Mountains, was still sparsely populated and, by following Turner’s definition, can be considered a frontier space. A 1762 Lake Champlain map attests to the region’s lack of developed settlement.[20] To encourage frontier colonization, Jeffrey Amherst envisioned settlement of the Old West by veterans of the French War.[21] He even encouraged would-be settlers to seek land-grants.[22] As such, between the years 1760 and 1763, the Lake Champlain region was slowly settled by both squatters and folk who bought land grants.[23] During this time, the Lake Champlain space was also a borderland without defined borders.[24]While British leadership waited for the establishment of defined borders in the region, later formalized by treaty negotiations in Europe, the movement of people and goods was monitored and restricted.[25] During Moody’s time as a ship captain, he no doubt looked out over the bow of his vessel and gazed upon a vast expanse of wilderness. The mountains, the lakes, the savannas: the abundance with which these existed in Moody’s time attests to the fact that he lived and worked on the fringe of civilization. But who was Joshua Moody? Based on his diary, it tells us that he was a Lieutenant serving on Lake Champlain in 1762.[26] We also know that he captained a sloop, the HMS Masquenange.[27] Other than this information, provided to us in the first few pages of his journal, Joshua Moody is a ghost in the historical record.[28]

Whoever he was and wherever he came from, Joshua Moody was issued orders on May 4, 1762, from Lieutenant Colonel Elliot of the 55th Regiment, then commanding His Majesty’s forces in the Northern District at Crown Point.[29] Moody’s orders were simple: march to Fort Ticonderoga and report to Lieutenant Alex Grant, who would grant him command of a vessel.[30] On May 4, 1762, Moody was stationed at Crown Point, ten miles from Fort Ticonderoga.[31] He made the journey and arrived at Fort Ticonderoga by foot on May 5, 1762.[32] That same day, he was given orders by the hand of Lieutenant Grant, who commanded “his Majesty’s Armed Vessels on Lake Champlain.”[33] Grant placed Moody in command of the HMS Masquenange and instructed him to ferry its contents between fort St. Johns and Crown Point.[34] He was also told to keep a diary and record daily accounts of his expeditions.[35] On the morning of May 6, 1762, Moody received his orders and cargo: escort two bateaux to fort St. John, an outpost much further north past Crown point on the left-hand side of Lake Champlain.[36] Orders in hand, he set sail at two o'clock in the morning on May 7, 1762.[37]

Moody reached Fort St. John on May 8 at seven in the morning.[38] He remained there for five days until he received orders to transport the 46th Regiment’s baggage to Fort Ticonderoga.[39] He set sail from St. John with the baggage at four o'clock in the afternoon.[40] He was accompanied by Colonel Browning, Captain Legg, Dr. Lock, Dr. Gillian, and a Lieutenant [name is ineligible in the diary].[41] He arrived at Ticonderoga on May 14, 1762.[42]Afterward, on May 15, he proceeded back to Crown Point, where he received ten days’ worth of provisions for himself and his crew.[43] On May 16 he set sail for St. John at five o'clock in the morning, arriving there at four o'clock in the afternoon.[44] On May 18, he set out for Montreal, arriving there at eight o'clock in the evening.[45] He returned to St John on May 19 at ten o'clock at night.[46] Accompanied by a Grenadier of the 58th Regiment, including his regiment’s baggage, Moody sailed at sunrise on May 21 for Crown Point.[47] The remainder of the journal recounts Moody’s trips between Fort St John, Crown Point, Montreal, and Fort Ticonderoga. On June 14, he delivered wooden planks to engineers at Crown Point.[48] From June 21 through the 23, he ferried soldiers of the 44th Regiment between St. John and Crown Point.[49] On June 29, he was ordered to return the HMS Masquenange to Ticonderoga, which he did on June 30.[50] No more journal entries are recorded after he delivered the sloop.

Alone, Joshua Moody’s journal reveals nothing significant to the average academic historian. He met no one of consequence, saw nothing noteworthy, and was absent from any significant defining historical event. Indeed, many entries of his diary simply read, “Nothing Remarkable.”[51] However, when Moody’s journal is examined from a political theoretical perspective, taking into consideration the larger role men like Moody played, Moody’s diary reveals insights about the critical role transporters played during the French and Indian War. For it was Moody, and men like him, who transported supplies and soldiers to their various destinations along Lake Champlain, then a frontier borderland in 1762. While this does not sound impressive in and of itself, let us consider the environment the British military found themselves in between the frontier space of Canada and New York from 1760 to 1763. During the French and Indian War, waterways were the main source of transportation for supplies and men of war.[52] This was due to the confined constraints imposed upon travelers by the thick woods, which covered the region at the time. These woods proved to be a hindrance to transportation, as evidenced by Braddock’s march when the army was forced to hack a road through the thick Pennsylvania forest and the very slow progress with which this was done.[53] Transporting an army through North America’s untamed wilderness was a slow and arduous process. It was much quicker to make use of the various rivers and lakes, which were found in abundance in the backcountry. The ease and speed with which large amounts of goods could be carried compounded the essentiality of waterway use.[54]

Water vessels were essential to both British and French military operations during the French and Indian War. For evidence that proves this point, look no further than the French siege of Fort William Henry in 1757 and Major General James Abercromby’s assault on Fort Carillon (Fort Ticonderoga) in 1758. Confident of a weakened British force on the New York frontier, the French assembled an army of 8,000 men at Fort Carillon.[55] In July 1757, French forces invaded Fort William Henry, a British controlled fort situated at the south end of Lake George. Because Fort William Henry threatened the existence of French-controlled Fort Carillon, William Henry needed to be knocked out of commission. In early August 1757, a fleet of 250 French bateaux and 150 Indian war canoes sailed south from the northern tip of Lake George.[56] The fleet was loaded with roughly four thousand men and cannon.[57] After their landing, Fort William Henry fell in a week.[58] In this instance, boat craft proved instrumental in the speedy delivery of men, artillery, and supplies resulting in the defeat of the British garrison stationed at William Henry. In a similar fashion, the utilization of watercraft for military purposes was not restricted to French forces. In July 1758, James Abercromby assembled a force of 16,000 men at the foot of Lake George with the intent of using this sizeable force to bring about the fall of Fort Carillon.[59] Nine hundred boats were used to transport Abercromby’s invasion force across Lake George from its southern end to its northern tip.[60] These transport ships were instrumental in securing quick passage of the British force, which would have taken much, much longer than just the single day it took had the army been forced to march on foot.[61]

The significance of transporters in the French and Indian War, as evidenced in the New York frontier, were instrumental in transporting troops and supplies across vast distances in short periods. The significance of transporters during the Seven Years’ War in North America has gone underrated for far too long. This essay serves as a case study to bring to light an underdeveloped aspect of French and Indian War scholarship in the New York/Montreal borderlands. While the boats themselves have been given their credit in accounts of the war, the men who captained such vessels are severely underrepresented. Joshua Moody’s journal provides a glimpse into the life of such transporters. Without him, men like him, and their bravery in navigating North America’s frontier rivers and lakes, many of the events we know about the French and Indian War would have never come to pass. Or at least they would have turned out differently. The speed with which transports delivered troops and goods produced a conflict we are familiar with as it is recounted in history books still to this day. Without these transports or their captains for that matter, an entirely different war would have resulted from France and Britain’s North American contest. This is true, especially considering how slow travel would have been for fully equipped armies navigating overland routes in North America, which were then covered in thick forest. Slow movement across the board would have produced a much slower-paced/progressing conflict, which, in turn, would have possibly prolonged the war and thus prolonged history.[62] Ultimately, while Joshua Moody’s Journal offers no substantial insights when examined as a stand-alone journal, it does show the life of a man whose contributions in the French and Indian War were instrumental to the progress and development of the conflict in the Old West.

About the author: George Kotlik is a Florida-based writer who is originally from the New York Finger Lakes. He has contributed essays and articles to the Journal of the American Revolution, the Seven Years’ War Association Journal, the Armstrong Journal of Undergraduate History, and The Hessians: The Journal of the Johannes Schwalm Association.

Bibliography and Primary Source(s)

Anderson, Fred. Crucible of War: The Seven Years’ War and the Fate of Empire in British North America. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000.

Baugh, Daniel. The Global Seven Years War, 1754-1763. New York: Routledge, 2014.

Calloway, Colin G. The Scratch of a Pen: 1763 and the Transformation of North America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

Fowler Jr., William M. Empires at War: The French and Indian War and the Struggle for North America, 1754-1763. New York: Walker & Company, 2006.

Gunther, Michael. “Forty-Five Degrees of Separation: Imperial and Indigenous Geographical Knowledge and the Bordering of Quebec in the 1760s.” Essays in History 51 (2018).

Halsey, Francis Whiting. The Old New York Frontier: Its Wars with Indians and Tories, Its Missionary Schools, Pioneers, and Land Titles. 1901. Reprint, London: Forgotten Books, 2015.

Hamilton, Edward P. The French and Indian Wars: The Story of Battles and Forts in the Wilderness. Edited by Lewis Gannett. Garden City: Doubleday & Company, 1962.

Jennings, Francis. Empire of Fortune: Crowns, Colonies & Tribes in the Seven Years War in America. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1988.

Johnson, Rossiter. A History of The French War: Ending in the Conquest of Canada. 1882. Reprint, Westminster: Heritage Books, 2007.

Leach, Douglas Edward. Arms for Empire: A Military History of the British Colonies in North America, 1607-1763. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973.

Marston, Daniel. The French-Indian War, 1754-1760. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2002.

Moody, Joshua. Journal of Joshua Moody. Mss A 2007. R. Stanton Avery Special Collections, New England Historic Genealogical Society, online at

Parkman, Francis. Francis Parkman: The Oregon Trail, The Conspiracy of Pontiac. Edited by William R. Taylor. New York: Library of America, 1991.

Quinn, Frederick. The French Overseas Empire. Westport: Praeger, 2000.

Ulrich, Laurel Thatcher. A Midwife’s Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990.

The American Military Pocket Atlas; Being An approved Collection of Correct Maps, Both General and Particular, of The British Colonies; Especially those who now are, or probably maybe The Theatre of War: Taken principally from the actual Surveys and judicious Observations of Engineers De Brahm and Romans; Cook, Jackson, and Collet; Maj. Holland, and other Officers Employed in His Majesty’s Fleets and Armies. London: R. Sayer and J. Bennet, 1776. From the Internet Archive

Turner, Andrew Jackson. The Frontier in American History. 1920. Reprint, New York: Barns & Noble, 2009.



[1] Andrew Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (1920; reprint, New York: Barns & Noble, 2009), 2.

[3] Turner, The Frontier in American History, 42.

[4] For more reading see: Colin G. Calloway, The Scratch of a Pen: 1763 and the Transformation of North America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Francis Parkman, Francis Parkman: The Oregon Trail, The Conspiracy of Pontiac, edited by William R. Taylor (New York: Library of America, 1991).

[5] The Great War for Empire is the more appropriate term to call the Seven Years’ War in North America and not the French and Indian War, although they are both acceptable. Their use is made interchangeably throughout the essay.

[6] Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, A Midwife’s Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990), 25.

[7] Frederick Quinn, The French Overseas Empire (Westport: Praeger, 2000), 67.

[8] William M. Fowler Jr., Empires at War: The French and Indian War and the Struggle for North America, 1754-1763 (New York: Walker & Company, 2006), 2.

[9] Daniel Marston, The French-Indian War, 1754-1760 (Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2002), 7.

[11] Marston, The French-Indian War, 11.

[12] Marston, The French-Indian War, 27.

[13] Daniel Baugh, The Global Seven Years War, 1754-1763 (New York: Routledge, 2014), 453-619.

[14] Francis Jennings, Empire of Fortune: Crowns, Colonies & Tribes in the Seven Years War in America (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1988), 425.

[15] Douglas Edward Leach, Arms for Empire: A Military History of the British Colonies in North America, 1607-1763 (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973), 486.

[17] Leach, Arms for Empire, 487.

[18] Leach, Arms for Empire, 487.

[19] Francis Whiting Halsey, The Old New York Frontier: Its Wars with Indians and Tories, Its Missionary Schools, Pioneers and Land Titles(1901; reprint, London: Forgotten Books, 2015), 117-121.

[20] William Brassier, A Survey of Lake Champlain, including Lake George, Crown Point and St. John, in The American Military Pocket Atlas; Being An approved Collection of Correct Maps, Both General and Particular, of The British Colonies; Especially those which now are, or probably may be The Theatre of War: Taken principally from the actual Surveys and judicious Observations of Engineers De Brahm and Romans; Cook, Jackson, and Collet; Maj. Holland, and other Officers Employed in His Majesty’s Fleets and Armies (London: R. Sayer and J. Bennet, 1776), from Internet Archive,

[21] Another term to describe the French and Indian War.

[22] Michael Gunther, “Forty-Five Degrees of Separation: Imperial and Indigenous Geographical Knowledge and the Bordering of Quebec in the 1760s,” Essays in History 51 (2018).

[23] Gunther, “Forty-Five Degrees of Separation,” Essays in History.

[24] Gunther, “Forty-Five Degrees of Separation,” Essays in History.

[25] Gunther, “Forty-Five Degrees of Separation,” Essays in History.

[26] Joshua Moody, Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007, R. Stanton Avery Special Collections, New England Historic Genealogical Society, online at

[27] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[28] Although this essay does not explore Moody’s genealogy, that does not mean that he does not exist in the historical record. Traces of Moody and his ancestry may be found in the New England Historic Genealogical Society. At the time of writing this essay, those records were rendered inaccessible due to the Coronavirus Pandemic which restricted the author’s travel and access to archival sources.

[29] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[30] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[31] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[32] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[33] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[34] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[35] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[36] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[38] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[39] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[40] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[41] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[42] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[43] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[44] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[45] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[46] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[47] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[48] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[49] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[50] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[51] Journal of Joshua Moody, Mss A 2007.

[53] Rossiter Johnson, A History of The French War: Ending in the Conquest of Canada (1882; reprint, Westminster: Heritage Books, 2007), 215.

[54] Hamilton, The French and Indian Wars, 3-20.

[55] Hamilton, The French and Indian Wars, 199.

[56] Anderson, Crucible of War, 190-191.

[57] Anderson, Crucible of War, 190-191.

[58] Anderson, Crucible of War, 195-196.

[61] Hamilton, The French and Indian Wars, 219.

[62] The American Revolution, an important after-effect of the French and Indian War, would have possibly been delayed since Britain would have attempted to raise taxes much later than 1763.